Article on hepatitis

Medical educational article on World Hepatitis Day, 2015:

http://www.mapsofindia.com/my-india/health/world-hepatitis-day-what-is-india-doing

Article on Japanese encephalitis

Medical educational article on Japanese Encephalitis in India:

http://www.mapsofindia.com/my-india/health/now-japanese-encephalitis-in-india

Book conversations: No god but God

Reza Aslan does to the Prophet and Islam in this work, what he did to Jesus and Christianity in his Zealot.  He takes a measured approach to unraveling a rich and complex religious phenomenon, one that has the world passionately discussing its pros and cons, and comes up with a revealing account of the formation and dissemination of Islam.  

If you ever wondered about the baffling practices of this religion and found nobody to seek answers from, grab hold of this work.  Everything from pre-Islamic Arabia (apparently called Jahiliyyah); to the revelation; to the Hijra (the Prophet's flight from Mecca to Yathrib, which later became Medina); to the law of Shariah; to the five essential rituals that Muslims have to do - called the Five Pillars of Islam; to the reasons behind the births of several sects of Islam - Sunni, Shi'ah, Khomeinism, Sufism, Wahhabism and yes, jihadism; and many more issues are covered in this work.  

The only pieces of information that I did not find in the work were: a) why circumcision is so important to Muslims, and b) why the pig is considered to be a 'dirty animal' in Islam.

As Aslan paints the picture of the birth of Islam in the deserts of Arabia, we find that the Prophet was an orphan who was brought up by his uncle who used to send him on business errands to other cities.  The Ka'ba, the desert sanctuary that is said to have housed several idols of different pagan gods such a Hubal, was under the control of a tribe called Quraysh.  It was the Prophet - after he had a series of revelations, which later became the contents of the Quran - who built up his community in Medina, and eventually freed the Ka'ba after several attempts at subduing the Quraysh.  

Aslan reveals that the Prophet had actually set up a very egalitarian system in Medina, in which he frequently consulted his wives in political matters, married Jewish and Christian women, did not compel women to be closed behind veils, and considered the three Abrahamic religions (Jewism and Christianity being the others) as followers of one Supreme Source of holy books.

Unfortunately, as with Jesus, it was the people who came after him who hijacked the entire philosophy, and according to the prevailing sociopolitical situation and their own whims and ulterior motives, converted what was essentially an inclusive and peaceful movement into a divisive and fundamental way of life.  And therein lies the tragedy.

Indeed, barring the revelations (for which Aslan does not, or probably cannot provide any convincing evidence), if one considers the evolution of the nascent religion - the fights that erupted each time a leader had to be anointed; the exclusion of Ali (the Prophet's son-in-law) and his family; the killing of his son, Husayn in Karbala; the way the Ulama usurped for itself the authority to lay down the laws and responsibilities of the believers; the expansion of the religion in the Middle East and beyond through imperial conquests and conversions; and the infighting that led to the birth of several offshoots of Islam that often competed with one another for religious legitimacy - one is hard-pressed to discern any evidence of divinity, peace and truth in any of these occurrences.

Aslan also rightly points out that the revelations themselves, and what was essentially a social-economic-political movement that was locally relevant to 6th Century Arabia, cannot be appropriated by a self-appointed group of law makers and enforcers such as the Ulama to apply to the other communities, societies and countries of the entire world.  

I must also consider the entire situation from my own point of view as an Indian, about which there is very little to glean from this work, as Aslan only makes passing references to the Indian situation and the Hindu-Muslim interaction.  After all, the Muslim invasion of India started as far back as in the early 8th Century, and continued till the end of the Mughal dynasty, leaving in its wake several frenzied and bloodthirsty assaults by invaders such as Ghazni and Ghori.  The bitter effects of Partition and the subsequent wars that India has waged with its Islamic neighbour, to the present day 26/11 type terrorist attacks, are ample testimony to the fact that inter-faith issues involving Islam is highly relevant even in India.  

Having said that, the fact that Indian Muslims are arguably the most integrated and peace-loving followers of Islam than any other in the world, is also worth noting, and is probably attributable to the acceptance of Islam into the diverse religious framework of India.  This in turn was made possible due to the inclusive and magnanimous philosophy of advaita, which forms the core of Sanatana Dharma.  

In fact, in what is surely a rare and happy overlap of spiritual principles, advaitic Hinduism and Sufism share the common goal: that of annihilation of the body and the lower self to merge with the Supreme Self. 

Back in the book, even the First War of Independence of 1857 is explained from the point of view of the Muslim soldiers and Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal emperor.  Aslan argues that it is not only Islam that has defined state policies in several Muslim countries in the present world.  Even England and America, he points out, still maintain a religious underpinning to their state policies.  In this context, Aslan has this to say about India:

'India was, until recently, governed by partisans of an elitist theology of Hindu Awakening (Hindutva) bent on applying an implausible but enormously successful vision of "true Hinduism" to the state'.

Sorry?  Until recently?  Enormously successful?  Let's take a closer look: India was, for the major part of the time from Independence to now (a period of 68 years), governed by the Congress and its affiliates.  The very same parties which are considered to be pseudo-secular, minority appeasing, and prone to caste based 'vote bank' politics.  It was also during the Congress regime that India experimented with the Emergency of 1975, during which civil liberties were suspended for nearly two years.  

Even under the so called 'right wing' governments - most notably the BJP-led ones - it is not as though civil and religious liberties were snuffed out of ordinary people's lives.  And Hindutva certainly has not been made into a state policy.  

Coming back to the book, Aslan provides a wholesome take on the intricacies of the religion of Islam and its adherents, thanks to the painstaking scholarly research work that he has come to be associated with.  

In the end, Aslan paints a hopeful picture about the future of this religion, pointing out that the new generation of forward looking Muslims - especially those born into the second or third generation of immigrants to non-Islamic countries - would make use of the technological innovations at their disposal to rethink, debate, re-fashion and disseminate the tenets of Islam to make it more congruent with the needs of a changing and inter-dependent society.  In other words, he tells that we are already in the midst of the Islamic Reformation.  

Let's hope he is right.

Image source: http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/51zTB-R%2BcNL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg

Tonsured wisdom

A Bangladeshi daily called Prothom Aloo - sorry, couldn't resist that one - has caricatured Indian cricketers by showing them with half-tonsured heads, while their bowler Mustafizur Rehman holds a barber's knife to indicate how well he bowled his off-cutters.

All this after he was coached by an Indian bowler, Ranadeb Bose.    

While all this can be dismissed as nothing more than an immature brat's brazen self-indulgence, it is also symptomatic, I reckon, of the deep-rooted hatred that the eastern neighbours possess towards us.    

This fact keeps re-asserting itself and surfaces time and again.  In the world cup game, another of their cricketers, Rubel had to be restrained by his teammates; otherwise he would have ended up assaulting Kohli, by the looks of it.  

In the same world cup, the entire population of Bangladesh, including the leader of the country, believed that they had been cheated of a win against India, and poured out their vitriol on message boards.  

Even in the recent series, Sudhir Chaudhary - the Indian fan who paints himself in the tri-colours and is seen in every match - was harassed by Bangladeshi fans as he exited the stadium.  

It is also highly mature, I think, of both the BCCI and the players themselves to have not taken up the issue with the daily.  There was a serious case for suing the paper here.  

No, we are not going to whine and stoop to their level with a tit for tat response.  Somebody said it right; the best way to answer is on the cricketing field.  

The scribes behind this distasteful idea as well as the people of Bangladesh should understand that this is only a game of cricket.  There are far more serious issues due to which they might have to consider shaving their own heads in shame.

Perhaps they can begin by taking back all the millions of illegal immigrants who have found to need to desert their country and seek refuge in India.

Maybe they can protect the rights of the Hindu minorities in their own country, many of whom have been ostracised and persecuted over the years.

Or how about ensuring freedom of speech by making sure none of the progressive bloggers are hacked to death openly on the streets?

So grow up, if you can, and get a life.



Image source: http://s.ndtvimg.com/images/content/2015/jun/806/mustafizur-bangladesh-barber-india.jpg

Book recommendation: Sai Baba Is Still Alive

If you are an avid reader, occasionally, there comes a time when you read something for the message of the book, rather than with a critical eye on the content, grammar or style.  This is one such occasion.  There have been very few occasions before this when I have concentrated only on the message; the one that comes to mind is Sri M's autobiography, in which the Subject of this book also makes a memorable cameo appearance.  

Here I would like to address the author of this book directly while I write about her work.

Mrs Jaya Wahi, I have just finished reading your wonderful book.  Even though this is not the first book on Sai Baba that I have read, it is by far, the most awe inspiring, moving and uplifting one.  The combination of miraculous anecdotes, Sai Guruvani, and your interpretations of Sai's messages, works like magic, and it is little wonder that this book is a national best seller.  

My family believes in Sai a lot.  Even though I do too, I have always struggled with having to beseech Him with every trivial, worldly request.  As the wise say, and as you have highlighted in the book yourself, that apart from shraddha and saburi, expression of unconditional love is all that is required for him to take care of you.  I must also confess, that I have not been effusive in my outpouring of this love towards Him, as many of the people in your stories have been.  But after reading this book, I will put in a little more effort.  

The stories and anecdotes recounted in your book are amazing and one feels happy for the people whose prayers have been answered.  However I am convinced, after reading this work, that the most blessed and loved person from among all the people in the stories is you.  

Receiving the right signs at the right times - a pen to indicate that you have His go-ahead to write the book, seeing His image on the wall, the circumstances of your and your sister's births, several visitations from Him in his myriad avatars to bail you out of crises, getting a rose as an expression of His love towards you, and getting a handful of rice to break your rice sacrifice - all indicate the abundance of grace that He has showered on you.  

It may not be wrong to surmise that you were probably one of the near and dear ones that were in His presence at Shirdi during his earthly sojourn.  Perhaps this explains the magnetic pull that Shirdi exerts on you, and the despondency that you experience as you are about leave it.  

You are truly, a precious child; His daughter, His loving child, who can demand His attention and love towards you, just as a child does from her father.  Blessed are those people who have benefited from your love towards Sai.  And we as readers are fortunate to have experienced this unique relationship between you and Him, and in the process, to have inculcated a sense of bhakti in ourselves.

I thank you wholeheartedly for this.

May you, as you say towards the end of the book, merge in Him for ever... and ever. J

Image source: http://img5a.flixcart.com/image/book/4/8/6/sai-baba-is-still-alive-400x400-imadhbsfy6phw4bh.jpeg

Book conversations: The Modi Effect

There is something alluring about a western person's take on Indian affairs.  Akin to Attenborough's interpretation of Gandhiji's life-story, Lance Price's account of Narendra Modi's successful prime ministerial election campaign is matter-of-fact and at the same time, engaging. 

This allurement of a western opinion can sometimes wane, especially if he or she resorts to broad generalisations and stereotyped misinterpretations of the Indian way of life, but this is one accusation that cannot be pinned on Price.  He is, no doubt, helped in achieving this by a number of Indian aides, whose help he acknowledges towards the end of the book.  This in itself is commendable, since many of his predecessors are guilty of not bothering to correct their preconceived notions, and have instead, patronisingly depicted their version of how life in India is.

Thankfully there is nothing patronising about this work, and as Price states himself, even though he does not agree with Modi on many fronts, he finds himself attracted to Modi's vision of development, his love for the democratic system of government, and the practice of elections that this system entails.

If Price was actually selected by Team Modi to document the success of the campaign, then one must congratulate them on the official choice of the author.  Especially so, because one would have been tempted to hand it to an Indian political commentator.  Perhaps the fact that finding one who would be entirely sympathetic to their cause, and not rake up the same old Godhra issue was difficult to achieve had they selected someone from India.  In selecting an outsider - a person with a neutral viewpoint - they have ensured that at the very least, there is a balanced assessment of the issues at hand.

It is the love of democracy and the election process, coupled with the political experience that Price pre-possesses, thanks to his years as a spin-doctor with Tony Blair, that shines through in this work.  Not that this is the first or the only work published on the stunning success of Modi's political campaign, but this, I confess, is the only one that I have read thus far.  

Price consults many previous works, news sources and websites, and personally interviews the stakeholders, apart from the man himself, to write a well rounded account of the 2014 general elections.  In particular, he excels in bringing to light what actually happened behind the scenes, the kind of planning that was involved in making use of technology and social media to spread the message, and the hard work done by the 'foot soldiers' - the party workers who made sure that a large portion of the otherwise apathetic electorate was somehow cajoled into coming out and voting on the election day.

He also rightly highlights the fact that Modi was the star campaigner for his party, he was probably the sole factor why BJP won the elections with a thumping majority; something that has never been achieved by a non-Congress party before.

Be it the bombardment of Modi images on electronic and print media, the clever use of technology in the form of 3D hologram images of Modi beamed to the remote areas of the country, the superb oratorial skills of Modi himself, and the sheer ability to turn brickbats into bouquets helped project the best image of Modi to the people, as Price recounts.

If you look back at the campaign, you will be reminded of the innumerable catch phrases and slogans that Modi regaled us with during his speeches.  Some of them are hard to forget:

• the entire chaiwala story (which, Price points out, was inadvertently provided by Mani Shankar Aiyar, the Congressman who, along with his illustrious colleague, Digvijay Singh is particularly prone to 'foot-in-mouth-itis'); 
• the comment about ek maa apne bete ka balidaan kaise de sakti hai? (which was actually played out in real life, when after the resounding defeat, both mother and son appeared in front of the media to accept defeat,  and Sonia Gandhi attempted to protect Rahul Gandhi by asking him not to respond to the reporters' questions); 
• and of course, the quote about the recovery of economy by Manmohan Singh - achche din aanewale hain - which Team Modi exploited to the hilt, and Modi even tweeted it after he won the elections. 

It would be naive to attribute Modi's success to just image building exercises, and proper use of technology.  The people, quite frankly, were fed up of the UPA government.  The damage was already done for the Congress much before the campaign actually began.  Manmohan Singh may have been an excellent finance minister who was instrumental in liberalising the economy, but as a prime minister, he reminded one of Dhritarashtra, the blind king who was powerless and witless as his stooges ran riot with scams after scams and brought about the ultimate destruction of the clan in the war - in this case, the elections.

I reckon the press conference that Singh addressed just before the elections - only the third in his entire tenure as prime minister, as Price points out - was an idea of the top brass to ensure that people do not have him in mind when they came out to vote.  Because by then, the high command had read the writing on the wall, and had realised that they could not afford to have Singh around again.  But at the same time, they did not want to commit the name of Rahul Gandhi for the top post.

During the press conference, Singh said that it was time for him to 'hand over the baton', and showed amazing alacrity when he sprang up to answer a question about whether Modi would make a good prime minister.  'I think it would be disastrous for the country', is what he had said, and one couldn't help wondering if this disaster was anything more than what had already occurred during his 10 year tenure.

The problem with the Congress is this: the emperor's new clothes phenomenon.  Everybody is aware that holding on to the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty is not a viable proposition anymore, and new avenues have to be explored if they are serious about their party's political prospects.  But all the old stalwarts and loyal party workers are stuck in the denial mode and seem to be suppressing voices of dissent which are suggesting that a democratic rather than a dynastic approach is necessary.  Either that, or they are so hopeless loyal to the dynasty that are just biding their time, waiting for the Modi government to slide down from the high pedestal that it currently occupies.  After all, there are no obituaries in politics, as the saying goes.

A lot of positive changes have been implemented in the last 13 months by the Modi government.  Some of the best initiatives have been the Swachch Bharat Abhiyaan, the insurance scheme for the poor, better communication by the use of social media, digital India, exploring investment opportunities in foreign countries, civil nuclear deal, and yes, even Mann ki Baat.

However, lot more still needs to be done.  These days, Modi's silence on certain incidents - such as divisive statements by some of his ministers, and the Lalit Modi affair - has been criticised by all.  I tend to agree; the last thing we need is for Modi to go into Manmohan mode.  At the very least, he could reassure the people that all issues are being looked into; or better still, he could institute an independent inquiry committee to look into the issues.

There are too many specific areas that need improvement to recount here.  But generally, if the Modi government could concentrate on three key areas, it would have achieved something which has never been achieved before by any other government: population control, poverty alleviation, and improvement in healthcare.

Coming back to the book, Price's account brings back fond memories of a campaign that the whole country followed so closely, primarily because it held the promise of a new beginning; of achche din, which no doubt, have begun, but need to be fully realised.

The book is highly recommended to those who are interested in politics, elections, democracy, and of course, Narendra Modi.

Image source: http://ecx.images-amazon.com/images/I/41JiDvO6VAL._SY344_BO1,204,203,200_.jpg